If this story sounds familiar to you, that’s
because this is the second time in recent years
that this has happened to an HSLDA member
family in Texas.
Back in 2020, I wrote an article for the Court
Report titled, “On the Shoulders of Giants . . .,”
which told the story of the Berrymans. Like
the Pfaffs, the Berrymans were a Texas family
reported to DFPS for something that happens
all the time and isn’t in itself neglect. (The family had converted a walk-in closet into a nursery
where their infant slept.)[2]
DFPS obtained an
ex parte order from a judge to enter the Berrymans’ home and conduct a “home visit,” which
would have involved detailed inspection of the
house along with possible physical examinations of the children.
The article talked about how we quickly
halted the Berrymans’ court order by using
arguments and leaning on precedents from
previous HSLDA cases, such as Calabretta v.
Floyd,[3]
In re Stumbo,[4] In re Petition to Compel,[5]
and Curry v. Kentucky Cabinet.[6]
We successfully defended the Pfaffs using the same legal
playbook we used in the Berryman case.
At this point, you may be wondering: If
HSLDA’s mission is to advocate for homeschool
freedom, why do we take cases involving Child
Protective Services (CPS) investigators and
home visits? What do these situations have to
do with homeschooling?
The answer goes back to 1983, when HSLDA
was founded. With homeschooling rare and
not even legal in all 50 states, it was not
uncommon for our member families to receive
visits from truancy officers or CPS investigators after a suspicious neighbor reported
children “not in school.” In such situations,
defending these families’ right to homeschool
meant protecting their Fourth Amendment
rights in the context of an unwarranted child
abuse investigation.
The heart of homeschooling has always
been the love and care that parents have for
their children, which makes possible a safe,
nurturing, and high-quality education. And
unfortunately, CPS investigations are designed
in a way that often violates the security and
well-being that children rely on their parents
to provide.
A sweeping system
affecting millions of families
Millions of children are brought into the CPS
system each year, and the numbers continue to
grow. In 2011, some 3.4 million referrals were
made to child protection hotlines, involving 6.2
million children.[7]
Those numbers jumped to 4.4
million calls and 7.9 million children in 2019.[8]
In 2013, Stanford Law Professor Michael
Wald estimated that by the time they turn 18,
as many as 15% of children born in the United
States will be reported to a child protection
agency.[9]
Four years later, a study published
in the American Journal of Public Health
estimated that the percentage was even
higher. The study found that “37.4% of all
children experience a child protective services investigation by age 18 years.”[10]
37.4% of children in the US experience a child protective services investigation by age 18.
In the last 20 years, significant research has
been conducted to determine the impact of
these investigations on the people they are
designed to protect: children. These research
concerns were prompted, in large part, by the
fact that child protection investigations disproportionately focus on families who are impoverished, of a minority background, or disabled.
Families in poverty are 22 times more
likely to be involved in the child protection
system than families with incomes above the
poverty line.[11] These families can be unfairly
targeted for investigation based on factors that
should not determine whether a parent is fit.
As Anna Belle Newport warns in the Columbia
Law Review, an investigator might determine
that a family cannot care for their children
because they live in a “dirty home,” when that
could “just as easily be a telling indicator of
poverty.”[12]
Racial minorities are also far more likely to
be caught up in an abuse or neglect investigation. A 2017 report published in the American
Journal of Public Health found that 53% of
African-American children will deal with a
CPS investigation during their childhood.[13] It
also found that Hispanic children suffer the
“highest lifetime prevalence for investigated
emotional abuse reports.”[14]
Parents with disabilities and their families also suffer unfairly in the CPS system. Robyn Powell and Sasha Albert point to
“decades of research” that find parents with
disabilities are more likely to be involved
with CPS and have their rights as parents
terminated than nondisabled parents.[15]
“The label of disability specifically impacts
how parents are treated, including whether
they are offered meaningful support and an
equal opportunity to be reunited with their
children,” said Professor Sarah Lorr, who
directs the Disability and Civil Rights Clinic
at Brooklyn Law School. “Indeed, the label of
disability is used to strip parents of rights and
credibility.”[16]
These troubling trends become even more
alarming when one considers that most CPS
investigations involve situations where the
investigator ultimately determines that no
child was neglected or abused. Reporting data
released by the states has consistently shown
that the vast majority of reports received
by CPS—83% in 2019—are either “screened
out” (meaning the report does not meet the
legal definition of “abuse” or “neglect”) or are
deemed “unsubstantiated” (meaning there is
insufficient evidence that a child was abused
or neglected).[17]
The vast majority of CPS reports ultimately
prove unfounded. But that doesn’t mean the
investigations that result are harmless.
Unintended harm to children
Regardless of their wealth or demographics,
all families who face an investigation, whether
it ends up substantiated or not, find themselves caught up in an “inherently coercive
relationship” with CPS investigators, according to Northwestern University Law Professor
Soledad McGrath.[18]
McGrath conducted a lengthy look at this
relationship while serving as chief counsel for
the American Bar Association’s Justice Center.
She found that most parents experience
“feelings of helplessness, vulnerability, and
fear,” during CPS investigations, because they
are “predominately seen as adversarial and
are accompanied by a daunting threat of the
child’s removal from the home.” These fears
are “magnified by the perception that CPS is
an indomitable force that cannot be confronted or questioned,” she added.[19]
These fears are well-grounded. Courts and
legal scholarship have consistently found
that CPS investigations often have significant,
harmful effects on families—especially in
situations where the parents or guardians have
done nothing wrong.
Nineteen years ago, in her seminal article
on the effects of child welfare investigations,
Duke Law School Professor Doriane Coleman
cautioned that, “The majority of intrusions on
family privacy do not directly benefit the children involved, and in many instances actually
cause them demonstrable harm.”[20]
Further study has confirmed that “initial visits by CPS workers, regardless of the outcome
of the case, can create lasting fear and trauma
within the family.”[21] And the potential for harm
escalates when children are separated from
their parents for any length of time.
Some removals are temporary: a child is
separated from his or her parents to answer
questions or undergo diagnostic tests. Other
removals may be of short duration, long duration, or even permanent. But regardless of the
circumstances and duration, the harms posed
by separation are real.
The American Association of Pediatrics
noted in 2018 that the separation of a parent
from a child, even for a short time, can lead to
“irreparable harm, disrupting a child’s brain
architecture and affecting his or her short- and
long-term health. This type of prolonged exposure to serious stress—known as toxic stress—can carry lifelong consequences for children.”[22]
The damages can be compounded when
children end up in the foster care system.
MIT Professor Joseph Doyle found in 2007 that
at-risk children who end up in the foster care
system for any length of time are two or three
times as likely to be arrested and imprisoned
as adults than their at-risk peers who stay with
their parents.[23]
Finally, these long-term harms are even
more unfortunate because, as Columbia Law
School Professor Josh Gupta-Kagan found,
citing a consensus among child welfare agencies and commentators, “The majority of
children who enter and leave foster care in
short periods of time ‘should have never come into care’ in the first instance.”[24] As many as
35% of children placed in foster care are “ultimately deemed to not have been victims of
abuse or neglect,” and eventually returned to
their families.[25] The harms they suffered in the
meantime may have been unintended, but that
does not make them any less tragic.
Unconstrained government
monitoring
Even if CPS investigators never place a child
in foster care, permanent and severe damage
can be done to families during their investigations. All investigations involve some degree
of intrusion and surveillance by government
officials, which “may affect the mental health
of parents and children, and financially destabilize families,” Rachel Kennedy wrote in a
2023 law journal.[26]
As Professor Anna Arons of Washington
University observes, one common investigative
tactic is the “home visit”—a term that “fail[s] to
capture the invasiveness of the practice.”[27] She
then went on to describe the process:
The investigator enters the home to “assess
everything from the physical status of the
home, to the quantity and quality of food, provisions and clothing on hand.” Investigators
“may enter every room, open medicine cabinets and refrigerators, and demand identifying information for every person associated
with the home.” They may even perform “body
checks” on children, “stripping them of their
clothing to examine their nude bodies.”[28]
And because state laws typically require a
comprehensive home search for every report of
abuse or neglect, most families are subjected
to a home visit regardless of what the initial
report alleged: “A report that a child missed too
much school leads to the same type of search
as a report that a child injured themself playing
with exposed wiring,” Arons wrote.[29]
Protecting families, one case
at a time
In sum, children deserve every protection
from abuse they can be afforded, but they
should also be protected from intrusive and
traumatic questioning from strangers.[30]
As Terri Dobbins-Baxter, professor of law
at the University of Tennessee, has observed,
investigations that “are unnecessarily intrusive or that separate children from their caregivers, can be traumatic and psychologically
harmful to the children as well as damaging to
the family as a whole.”[31]
Or to borrow the words of the Ninth Circuit
Court of Appeals more than 20 years ago,
“The government’s interest in the welfare of
children embraces not only protecting children from physical abuse, but also protecting
children’s interest in the privacy and dignity
of their homes and in the lawfully exercised
authority of their parents.”[32]
It is this privacy, dignity, and lawfully exercised authority on which homeschooling is
built. And while HSLDA generally focuses our
advocacy on the homeschooling part of that
equation, there are times when the best way to
defend homeschool freedom is to advocate for
Fourth Amendment and parental rights.
The Constitution is clear that an investigator’s entrance into a home requires consent,
a true emergency, or a court order based
on probable cause to believe that abuse or
neglect is occurring. When an investigator
seeks a court order, it is the job of the judge
to make sure that constitutional rules are
followed and families are protected from
needless intrusion.
And we’ll continue to be there, making sure
judges complete that task.
Endnotes
[1] James R. Mason, “HSLDA Files Emergency Appeal to Reverse Unconstitutional Seizure Order,” HSLDA, Published March 2, 2024.
[3] Calabretta v. Floyd, 189 F.3d 808 (9th Cir. 1999).
[4] In re Stumbo, 357 N.C. 279 (N.C. 2003).
[5] In re Petition to Compel Cooperation with Child Abuse Investigation, 875 A.2d 365 (Pa. Super. Ct. 2005), affirmed by In the Interest of
Y.W.-B., 265 A.3d 602 (Pa. 2021).
[6]
Curry, et. al. v. Kentucky Cabinet for Health & Family Services, 2020 WL 4820718 (W.D. Ky. 2020).
[7] Josh Gupta-Kagan, “Toward A Public Health Legal Structure for Child Welfare,” Nebraska Law Review 92 (2014): 897, 909-10.
[8] Anna Belle Newport, “Civil Miranda Warnings: The Fight for Parents to Know Their Rights During A Child Protective Services Investigation,” Columbia Human Rights Law Review 54 (2023): 854, 858-59.
[9] Michael S. Wald, Taking the Wrong Message: The Legacy of the Identification of the Battered Child Syndrome, in C. Henry Kempe: A 50
Year Legacy to the Field of Child Abuse and Neglect (Richard D. Krugman & Jill E. Korbin eds., 2013), 89, 92.
[10] Hyunil Kim, Christopher Wildeman, Melissa Jonson-Reid & Brett Drake, “Lifetime Prevalence of Investigating Child Maltreatment
Among US Children,” American Journal of Public Health 107, (February 2017): 272, accessed May 10, 2024.
[11] Martin Guggenheim, “The Role of Counsel in Representing Parents,” American Bar Association, February 1, 2016.
[12] Newport, “Civil Miranda Warnings,” 854, 858-859.
[13] Kim, “Lifetime Prevalence of Investigating,” 277.
[15] Robyn Powell & Sasha Albert, “Barriers and Facilitators to Compliance with the Americans with Disabilities Act by the Child Welfare
System: Insights from Interviews with Disabled Parents, Child Welfare Workers, and Attorneys,” Stanford Law & Policy Review 32, no. 119,
(October 2021): 119, 127.
[16] L. Frunel & Sarah Lorr, “Lived Experience and Disability Justice in the Family Regulation System,” Columbia Journal of Race and Law
12, no. 1 (July 2022).
[17] Gupta-Kagan, “Toward a Public Health Legal Structure,” 897, 918; Newport, “Civil Miranda Warnings,” 854, 858-859.
[18] Soledad McGrath, “Different Response in Child Protection Services: Perpetuating the Illusion of Voluntariness,” The University of
Memphis Law Review 42, no. 3 (Spring 2012): 629, 655.
[20] Dorianne Coleman, “Storming the Castle to Save the Children: The Ironic Costs of a Child Welfare Exception to the Fourth Amendment,” William and Mary Law Review 47 (2006): 413, 441.
[21] Newport, “Civil Miranda Warnings,” 854, 859-860.
[22] Colleen Kraft, “AAP Statement Opposing Separation of Children and Parents at the Border,” American Academy of Pediatrics, Published May 8, 2018; See also Vivek Sankaran, Christopher Church, and Monique Mitchell, “A Cure Worse than the Disease? The Impact of
Removal on Children and their Families,” Marquette Law Review 102, no. 4 (2019): 1163-1194.
[23] Joseph Doyle, “Child Protection and Adult Crime: Using Investigator Assignment to Estimate Causal Effects of Foster Care,” Journal of
Political Economy 116, no. 4 (August 2008): 746, 748.
[24] Gupta-Kagan, “Toward a Public Legal Health Structure,” 897, 916.
[26] Rachel Kennedy, “A Child’s Constitutional Right to Family Integrity and Counsel in Dependency Proceedings,” Emory Law Journal 72,
no. 4 (2023): 943-944.
[27] Anna Arons, “The Empty Promise of the Fourth Amendment in the Family Regulation System,” Washington University Law Review 100
(2022): 1057, 1072.
[30] Jenefer Kwapsiz, “Fourth Amendment Implications of Interviewing Suspected Victims of Abuse in School,” St. John’s Law Review 86
(Fall 2012): 963, 965.
[31] Terri Baxter, “Constitutional Limits on the Rights of Government Investigators to Interview and Examine Alleged Victims of Child
Abuse or Neglect,” William and Mary Bill of Rights Journal 21 (2012): 125.
[32] Calabretta v. Floyd, 189 F.3d 808, 820 (9th Cir. 1999).